A Defiant Bangladesh Demands Accountability as the State Abdicates the Rule of Law
Anger towards an arrogant government has reached a breaking point. Public trust in the state has broken down. Bangladeshis are demanding respect from the ruling party and seeking justice for victims.
By Aftab Ahmed, Areeba Asif and Madhuri Kibria
For this special edition of ImpactInk, BacharLorai’s Policy Research team examines Bangladesh’s public safety and national security policies in relation to UN SDG 16. This analysis evaluates the government's performance amid ongoing violence, protests, and human rights violations following the state’s July 2024 crackdown on quota protesters and civilians through a show of brute force.
Editor's Update – August 6, 2024: This article was published before Sheikh Hasina's resignation as Prime Minister of Bangladesh. As a result, several points, including the call for her and her cabinet’s resignation, are no longer applicable. However, the piece provides an evidence-based snapshot of how the rule of law was consistently sidelined during her four successive terms in office.
Seventy. That is how many shotgun pellets were found lodged in the chest and abdomen of Khalid Hasan, a sixteen-year-old student in Dhaka. He was not part of any protest. He was a bystander leaving a mosque. The police killed him.
We begin this article by expressing our anger at the killing of so many in Bangladesh and by condemning the state-sponsored and extrajudicial suppression that continues throughout the country, even as we finish writing this piece.
Developing and implementing public policies without understanding and responding to the pulse of the public is nothing short of self-serving: a mere exercise in preserving the interests and longevity of those in power rather than serving the collective good.
This disconnect creates a smokescreen between a government and its electorate, rendering policies out of touch with the needs they are meant to serve. In Bangladesh, this phenomenon has played out under the ruling party, the principal political opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party, and during periods of military rule.
Today, the political façade is collapsing like a house of cards.
The big picture is both frightening and inspiring: suppression of dissent, state-sponsored terror, and the cozy, often corrupt dealings between public sector elites and powerful business entities have become the defining features of the contemporary political landscape.
In contrast, students, now with the support of the mass population, are demanding rights the government is duty-bound to provide: freedom from persecution, adherence to the rule of law, and opportunities based on merit. The government, unable to dismiss these demands, finds itself lost in a labyrinth of its own creation.
An unprecedented gap between the people's needs and what those in power offer is apparent. Grotesque economic, social, and political inequalities have left a small elite, aligned with the ruling party, with unfettered control. This has made the average person feel disrespected, believing their lives hold no value in the eyes of the state.
History teaches us a critical lesson here: governments lacking an electoral mandate from voters cannot be architects of sustainable development or guarantors of political stability.
While such governments may tout impressive developmental outcomes on paper, particularly through investments in physical infrastructure, the underlying reality often involves decaying public institutions, rampant politicization of the arms of the state – including the judiciary and law enforcement agencies – and a public sector steeped in impunity. Partisan priorities dictate the functioning of the state, sabotaging both political accountability and public policy transparency.
The outcome is a toxic cycle: anti-people policies that pit citizens against the protection of the state become entrenched in the very fabric of how policy is weaponized by partisanship, making reforms nearly impossible even with the prospect of a new administration taking the reins. What troubles us at present is the vivid emergence of this institutional erosion and political decay. This is casting a long shadow over Bangladesh’s aspirations to become a middle-income country, making the path to recovery both complex and daunting.
Recent events provide a lens through which one can understand how Bangladesh has arrived at this juncture: the rule of law is intentionally ignored, and the state apparatus treats its own citizens as opponents. Since July 15, 2024, the actions of law enforcement agencies – including the police, Rapid Action Battalion, Ansar, and Border Guard Bangladesh – have been indefensible. Extrajudicial forces, mainly the ruling party's student and youth wings, have become groups the public fears and loathes. Equally deserving of criticism are the actions and inactions of six cabinet ministers whose rhetoric has incited violence and anarchy.
The centralization of political authority and policy decision-making solely in the hands of the Prime Minister has reduced governance to a one-person affair. Her poorly-defined strategy of crisis management – or, rather, crisis mismanagement – political short-sightedness, and dangerous arrogance in presenting distorted or selective information have shown just how disconnected she is from reality, to Bangladesh's detriment. Political communication, which should have been strategic in calming nerves and reaching out to protesters, has instead been un-strategic, worsening the situation with each passing day.
The ruling party’s reliance on outdated and irrelevant references to the liberation war has lost its appeal with the youth, and its failure to tune into the public mood is apparent. By casting the protests as mere pawns in a chess game between themselves and the opposition, the government diminishes the true spirit of the movement. Rather than recognizing the grievances of those out on the streets, the government further anger the very citizens they claim to represent.
Bangladesh stands on a precipice that will make or break its political and economic future: Can the government steer away from the cliff it has led itself to and realign with constitutional principles? The prospect seems bleak.
What has transpired in the past two weeks or so is the most severe manifestation of how the government has been operating for a while now. This often involves targeting political adversaries, journalists, activists, human rights groups, and anyone daring to question the status quo. Today, students face the harshest consequences, enduring severe repercussions unimaginable even a few weeks ago.
This government’s modus operandi unfolds in three steps. First, they employ draconian legislative tools. Second, they execute harsh law enforcement actions ordered by the executive branch. And third, they secure judicial decisions that erode the rule of law. Throughout this process, Awami League leaders use inflammatory political rhetoric to sustain a charade detached from the truth. What is even more troubling is that public servants, who are expected to remain apolitical, have also engaged in such behavior.
This time, however, the killing of students – who had no formal political ties – by unimaginable state aggression has struck a deep chord in Bangladeshis of all ages and stripes. The government's failure to acknowledge its shortcomings, disclose the actual number of deaths, or address ongoing detentions and torture allegations raises grave concerns.
The message from citizens is clear: the government has failed in its duties throughout July and continues to do so. Pent-up frustration is fueled by long-standing issues such as an affordability crisis, high inflation, endemic corruption, a fragile banking system, money laundering, high youth unemployment, a disastrous human rights record, and the lack of credible elections over the past decade.
Today, three burning questions require consideration by those invested in Bangladesh's well-being:
Who specifically should bear responsibility for the unconstitutional killings of unarmed protesters and innocent civilians by law enforcement personnel and ruling party activists, as well as the disproportionate and indiscriminate attacks on protesters?
Why is the government persisting with block raids and mass detentions, flagrantly violating the Criminal Code, judicial precedents, and fundamental principles of the Constitution, instead of taking accountability for their mishandling of the crisis?
Where are the missing students, how many unidentified bodies exist, and why was there a security and intelligence failure in protecting key point installations like the metro rail station and several government buildings?
BL (BacharLorai) is a not-for-profit social impact agency committed to remaining non-partisan in its mission to empower Bangladeshis worldwide.
Guided by the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (UN SDGs), we provide information through public policy analysis conducted by subject-matter experts, enabling readers to independently verify and critique the information presented.
Public policy thrives on the clash of ideas: We invite readers to highlight specific areas in this piece they believe are misleading or inaccurate, supported by evidence.
At the heart of our work is a commitment to truth and evidence-based discussions. We have chosen to focus on Goal 16 of the UN SDGs, a goal that champions peace, justice, and robust institutions. While we have not directly addressed the three questions previously mentioned – given our limited investigative resources – we aim to deliver something just as impactful.
Our team has conducted rigorous secondary research by reviewing literature, analyzing policy documents, scrutinizing media reports, and extracting data from internationally credible sources. Our findings provide an unvarnished assessment of Bangladesh's national security and public safety policies.
We have asked the tough questions: Do these policies live up to the ideals of Bangladesh’s constitutional framework? Do they respect Bangladesh’s international commitments to legal, human rights, and sustainable development standards? By putting the spotlight on UN SDG 16, we aim to hold those in power accountable.
Policy Review: Failure in Meeting UN SDG 16 Targets
UN SDG 16 is a global call to action for societies to champion the rule of law. This goal aims to build societies that are not only peaceful but also inclusive, ensuring justice is accessible to all and institutions function effectively and accountably at every level. The stakes could not be higher: armed violence, political instability, and insecurity can halt or even reverse a country's progress.
In regions plagued by conflict or with shifting political systems, like hybrid regimes or autocracies, political violence, crime, exploitation, and torture thrive when the rule of law is absent. To counter this, governments, civil society, and other policy stakeholders must unite to find lasting solutions to conflicts and insecurity. At the heart of this mission is the relentless pursuit of justice and accountability – ensuring the rule of law is not just a box to tick, but a pillar that upholds a nation’s peace and progress.
Goal 16 goes hand-in-hand with a broader international human rights agenda, advocating for societies that honor privacy, freedom of expression, and access to information. Without peace, there is no foundation for social or economic growth. Conflict and instability take their toll on lives and resources alike. Equal access to justice ensures that rights are upheld, disputes are resolved, and the vulnerable are protected, challenging the status quo where crimes by both state and non-state actors go unpunished.
Bangladesh has publicly committed to Goal 16. Inconsistencies, and more recently brazen transgressions, between policy and practice threaten progress. In many cases, relevant policies have only seen partial implementation, been ignored, or outright violated. Most recently, since July 15, 2024, the totality of the state machinery has been weaponized to stifle dissent from non-political actors, illustrating a my way or the highway mindset from the ruling party.
This cannot be viewed in isolation. It reflects a culture shaped by 15 uninterrupted years of Awami League rule, ten of which lacked free, fair, credible, inclusive, and participatory elections. The political drive to either implement, reform, or design new laws to meet UN SDG 16 sub-targets has been largely absent.
What follows is a thorough examination of each sub-target of UN SDG 16 in the context of the ruling party’s terms in office since it won the 2008 general elections, with particular attention to the state's heavy-handed reaction to quota-related protests. We focus on this period because the extended rule of a single political party has created a long, uninterrupted window – an opportunity they chose not to take – to address and reform issues related to criminal justice, human rights, law enforcement, democracy, and the rule of law.
Before the 2008 elections, the Awami League justifiably criticized the BNP-Jamaat coalition government for its mismanagement in these areas and promised reform in its much-hyped electoral manifesto. Yet, the subsequent governance decisions of four consecutive Awami League administrations have not led to visible improvements. Instead, they have exacerbated issues like police brutality, violations of fundamental rights, suppression of democratic practices, and disregard for the rule of law.
As a result, our goal was to thoroughly analyze and report on Bangladesh’s progress in meeting 11 out of 12 targets under SDG 16.
We reviewed global SDG indicators developed by international NGOs and Non-Profits, and examined national and international reports/articles on each indicator's themes. Considering the rule of law, we inferred legal violations nationally and internationally.
To make policy information accessible, we have condensed this analysis into byte-sized excerpts. We encourage you to review our analysis closely and welcome your feedback.
Note: Target 16.9 on Birth Registrations was outside the scope of our investigation.
Gaps in Public Safety and National Security Policies
Gap One: Lack of Adherence to Constitutional Provisions and Human Rights Violations
State authorities in Bangladesh are systematically violating constitutional provisions and international human rights commitments. The executive branch and law enforcement agencies are routinely disregarding fundamental rights, such as the right to protest, the right to dignity, and protection against torture, creating widespread fear and mistrust among citizens.
Mass detentions, block raids, overuse of remand custody, arrests without warrants, and privacy breaches – including illegal phone checks and data collection without consent – are flagrantly violating Article 31 of the Constitution. The excessive use of remands and arbitrary detentions without warrants shows an open disregard for the rule of law.
The imposition of a curfew and the reported deployment of military-style tactics – such as using helicopters, tanks, and defense-grade ammunition – during the media and telecommunications blackout represent a severe escalation of force that goes against both domestic and international legal standards. These actions violate Article 32 of the Constitution, which protects the right to life and personal liberty, and Article 36 of the Constitution, which guarantees freedom of movement. By employing military-style tactics typically reserved for armed conflict, the government is weakening the civilian nature of law enforcement and violating its constitutional duty to protect citizens' fundamental rights.
First Information Reports (FIRs) related to those killed conspicuously omit any mention of police violence or brutality against students. This narrative is strategically designed to shield the state from accountability, despite overwhelming evidence and eyewitness accounts that contradict it, violating Article 27 of the Constitution, which ensures equality before the law.
Gap Two: Absence of Democratic Electoral Practices and Violation of Political Rights
Bangladesh's failure to hold free, fair, participatory, and credible elections since 2014 has eroded the democratic foundations of the state, as outlined in Article 11 of the Constitution. An absence of proper electoral exercises deprive citizens of an institutional platform to express political opinions through the ballot box.
The lack of democratic processes is not only a constitutional violation but also a fundamental breach of international democratic norms, such as those established by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Elections at both national and local levels have been marred by coercion and manipulation, particularly since 2014, resulting in historically low voter turnouts, with reported figures often inflated and subject to international scrutiny.
Bangladesh is framed as having a hybrid or a competitive authoritarian regime, reflecting its authoritarian practices. Elections have been characterized by the forceful use of law enforcement under the guise of national security, leading to mass arrests of opposition leaders and activists while creating an environment that suppresses political dissent.
Electoral fraud and coercion have contributed to Bangladesh's transformation into a de facto one-party state, where law enforcement acts as an extension of the ruling party.
Gap Three: Escalation of Digital Authoritarianism
The rise of digital authoritarianism in Bangladesh is alarming, characterized by the draconian Cyber Security Act (formerly the Digital Security Act) and the government’s weaponization of digital technologies. This law is often used to silence dissent and target journalists, activists, and ordinary citizens.
Internet and media blackouts that began last month and continue in various forms today severely breach constitutional rights to free information. Reports of phone tapping, social media monitoring, and arrests for posting or sharing antigovernmental content online indicate a systematic suppression of free speech, violating Article 39 of the Constitution.
Bangladesh ranks poorly in press freedom, with censorship and self-censorship rampant among journalists who fear persecution under the Cyber Security Act. Numerous cases of journalists being detained and tortured highlight the state's reliance on digital tools to maintain control and silence any form of opposition.
This pervasive censorship is detrimental to informed public discourse and is overtly anti-democratic, best exhibited by a mass media landscape – particularly television channels – predominantly echoing the government's line of thinking and abdicating its responsibility as the fourth estate to hold power to account.
Gap Four: Rampant Corruption and Ineffective Measures Against Money Laundering
Corruption and money laundering in Bangladesh are widespread, violating constitutional and legislative mandates. Bangladesh is globally one of the top sources of outward money laundering, with illegal financial flows estimated at about USD 12 to 15 billion annually, according to Transparency International Bangladesh.
This hemorrhaging of national wealth negatively impacts the country's development and economic security. Persistent challenges from the unwillingness and inability of the government to combat illicit financial activities contribute to this issue.
Corruption within government institutions and law enforcement agencies is widespread, eroding accountability and obstructing reform efforts. This corruption tarnishes the country's international reputation, making urgent reform of law enforcement – especially those involved in anti-corruption efforts – crucial to addressing these issues and restoring public trust.
Articles 20 and 21 of the Constitution mandate integrity and duty in public service, highlighting the need for accountability as citizens question why law enforcement agencies cannot track and stop the illicit flow of money laundering. Reports suggest that the bulk of laundering is committed by government officials and business elites close to the ruling party.
Gap Five: Prevalence of Extrajudicial Killings and Enforced Disappearances
Extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances in Bangladesh represent a grave constitutional violation and a flagrant abuse of human rights. Security forces, most prominently the Rapid Action Battalion, have been implicated in numerous cases of unlawful killings and disappearances, drawing international condemnation and sanctions.
These actions violate Article 32 of the Constitution, which guarantees the right to life and personal liberty, as well as international obligations like the UN Convention Against Torture. Reports from human rights organizations suggest that extrajudicial killings briefly decreased after international sanctions were imposed, but there are concerns they may increase once more as the government persists in using this elite force as a tool for political control and fear-mongering.
The ongoing quota protests have further exposed the role of state-sponsored violence, with allegations of killings by student activists from the ruling party and law enforcement agencies. This culture of impunity cannot be part of national security and public safety policies, as it erodes the rule of law and perpetuates a climate of fear and injustice.
Short-Term Policy Recommendations
Recommendation One: Call for Cabinet Accountability
Recognizing that it is the Prime Minister's prerogative to appoint and remove cabinet members, we strongly advise replacing the current ministers in charge of the following portfolios: (1) Law, Justice, and Parliamentary Affairs (2) Education (3) Home Affairs (4) Information and Communications Technology (5) Road Transport and Bridges (6) Information and Broadcasting.
Their political rhetoric and policy decisions have worsened an already dire situation, making their continued presence in government untenable.
These Ministers have exacerbated tensions, leading to widespread violence, human rights violations, media censorship, arbitrary detentions, and unjust block raids.
Immediate reassessment and restructuring of these portfolios are essential to restoring public trust in the government and upholding international legal obligations.
Recognizing the growing consensus that the Prime Minister has lost the moral authority to govern, we recommend that she declare fresh elections and announce her intention to resign to restore public confidence in government.
Recommendation Two: End Unlawful Detentions and State-Sponsored Violence
We strongly demand ceasing all mass arrests, unlawful detentions, and privacy violations, including unauthorized phone checks, as these constitute a severe infringement on civil liberties.
All individuals detained and/or charged without proper legal procedures should be released immediately.
If necessary, a presidential clemency or general pardon should be granted to those arrested and/or charged without due process to ensure fulfillment of the state’s procedural obligations.
Not a single bullet should be fired at peaceful protestors, those seeking justice for the deaths of their peers, or any citizen. Lifting the curfew and the complete withdrawal of armed forces from the streets are precursors to normalizing the situation.
The high command of the Awami League should order their activists to withdraw from public spaces immediately to de-escalate the situation.
Recommendation Three: Reopen University Campuses
We suggest reopening university campuses promptly to allow students to return to their dormitories and ensure that campus grounds remain a safe space for them to express dissent.
To maintain a neutral and non-partisan academic environment, registered activists from all political parties should be prohibited from engaging in political or partisan activities on campuses until public order is restored or a decision is made about whether such entities should be allowed to operate within campus grounds.
This decision should not impede the right of students to express opinions on any issues, whether on or off campus.
Universities must conduct immediate reviews of their failures to protect students and implement appropriate measures to safeguard student welfare.
Medium to Long-Term Policy Recommendations
Recommendation One: Establish an Independent National Law Enforcement Reform Commission
We propose the creation of an Independent National Law Enforcement Reform Commission, composed of policy analysts, retired law enforcement officers, retired judges of the Supreme Court, international human rights experts, and legal scholars.
The Commission should undertake a thorough examination of current law enforcement practices, particularly addressing the misuse of remands, arbitrary detentions, and extrajudicial killings.
A robust legal framework must be developed to guarantee transparent and lawful detentions and arrests, requiring judicial warrants and oversight.
This framework should be presented to Parliament for review and implementation.
The Commission should develop guidelines that forbid unauthorized phone checks and stress the importance of training officers to uphold citizens' privacy rights.
Military-grade weapons, high-caliber ammunition, and equipment, including shotguns, armored vehicles like tanks and helicopters, and other specialized firearms, should be tightly controlled and deployed only in external conflicts or wars with foreign powers, or specific counter-terrorism operations. These should not be used for quelling civilian protests.
We advocate for the establishment of a judicial oversight mechanism to scrutinize law enforcement activities during protests, ensuring officers are held accountable for excessive force and other violations.
Law enforcement officers should participate in compulsory training programs centered on non-violent crowd management techniques and human rights protection, in alignment with international best practices.
Recommendation Two: Conduct Upcoming General Elections Under United Nations Supervision
To restore confidence in Bangladesh's electoral process, we strongly urge conducting the next two general elections under United Nations supervision.
This step will ensure transparency, fairness, and inclusivity in the electoral process, allowing full participation from all registered political parties.
An interim administration should oversee the electoral process for 90 days prior to the elections to guarantee impartiality.
This administration could consist of elected members of parliament and/or technocrats.
We recommend that the Attorney General seek an advisory opinion from the Supreme Court on the constitutional implications of international electoral supervision and the establishment of such an interim government.
This opinion should evaluate the feasibility of appointing technocrats to key cabinet positions and assess whether a constitutional amendment is required to facilitate such appointments.
Bangladesh can draw insights from the experiences of Cambodia, East Timor, Namibia, Sierra Leone, and Haiti, which have successfully conducted elections under United Nations supervision.
Recommendation Three: Investigate Political Activities within Universities
We urge authorities to initiate a thorough investigation into the activities of university administrators and student activists affiliated with political parties in Bangladesh.
This investigation should clearly define the permissible roles of student activists on campus, ensuring their focus remains on student-related issues rather than national politics.
University policies should explicitly prohibit student activists from engaging in national political activities on university grounds, with defined consequences for violations.
Administrators must be barred from establishing or operating politically biased forums within universities and should instead cultivate an academic environment that prioritizes education and critical inquiry over political affiliation.
While individuals certainly have the right to engage in political activities beyond university grounds, they should refrain from acting as national political actors on campus to ensure a safe and neutral academic environment for students.
Recommendation Four: Request a United Nations-Led Investigation into Recent Events
We recommend that the Government of Bangladesh urgently and formally request a United Nations-led investigation into the events since July 15, 2024. The current state apparatus does not have the credibility to investigate its own actions, and a request for technical assistance from the United Nations is insufficient. This investigation can be supported by the National Human Rights Commission of Bangladesh and focus on assessing allegations of human rights violations.
Specifically, the United Nations Human Rights Council should spearhead the inquiry, deploying experts, investigators, and legal specialists to conduct on-the-ground investigations, interview witnesses, and gather evidence and testimonials.
The findings should be publicly disclosed in a detailed report, culminating in specific recommendations for reforming national security and public safety policies to align with constitutional and international human rights standards.
The outcome of the investigation should identify who specifically should bear responsibility for the unconstitutional killings of unarmed protesters and innocent civilians by law enforcement personnel and ruling party activists, as well as the disproportionate and indiscriminate attacks on protesters. The investigation must lead to measures defined in Bangladesh’s legal system to bring those responsible under the criminal justice system.
The Government of Bangladesh must commit to implementing these recommendations, demonstrating complete dedication to upholding human rights and addressing domestic and international concerns.
The National Human Rights Commission may establish an independent body to monitor the implementation of these recommendations and ensure compliance with international obligations.
The Way Forward
Our analysis zeroes in on two overarching findings: First, the rule of law is currently absent in Bangladesh, a situation that has developed gradually from a political environment aligned with the concept of a one-party state. This has progressively undermined the necessary checks and balances for a healthy democracy.
Second, it is up to the government, notably the Prime Minister, to decide whether to acknowledge and address the mistakes and abuses committed in the name of maintaining public order and national security. If the government persists with mass arrests, detentions, and further violence, it risks provoking more non-violent and potentially violent protests. Such actions will impede Bangladesh’s progress toward achieving its UN SDG 16 sub-targets.
Although previous administrations have acted contrary to constitutional expectations, the current situation is unique. The BNP-Jamaat government had links to the 2004 assassination attempt on Sheikh Hasina, and the series of terrorist attacks from 2001 to 2006, as well as the repression under General HM Ershad's regime in the 1980s, are prime examples. However, the current issue stands out because a disproportionate majority of those who were killed were children, teenagers, and young adults.
The sheer number of young people dying is unparalleled in Bangladesh’s history. The government's claim that opposition activists are responsible for the killings contradicts evidence from international media outlets and human rights organizations. The primary responsibility for this unrest lies with the government.
Today's demonstrations are largely leaderless and driven by ordinary citizens, not just political activists. What began as a movement for quota reform has become a powerful demand for equity, equality, justice, and democratic reforms. Bangladesh urgently needs a national discussion on reforming its state institutions. The executive, legislative, and judicial branches require overhauls to transform the country into a functioning multi-party parliamentary democracy rather than one in name only.
The truth of the matter is that the demand for the Prime Minister's resignation has become the rallying cry throughout the nation. We believe it is unlikely that the government has the ability to change course and turn its ship around. It is likely to be overwhelmed by a tidal wave of protests centered on a single demand: the ouster of Sheikh Hasina and her Cabinet.
The government's policy decisions have led to the deaths of over 200 people, including at least 32 children. Official numbers are underreported, and the actual toll is higher. It is time for the government to take responsibility: call for fresh elections, resign, and compete against others for a public mandate. Let the people decide their next government, a choice denied to them for a decade.
Bangladesh is at an inflection point – a make-or-break moment – and the government seems to be choosing the path of a blind, rash, and categorical antagonist to the public interest. At this stage, nothing short of resignation can absolve it. Its sunset is on the horizon.
Contributors
Aftab Ahmed is the Co-founder of BacharLorai, where he serves as the Director of Policy Research and the Editor-in-Chief of ImpactInk, their policy newsletter.
Areeba Asif is a Program Manager at BacharLorai, she manages the Policy Synopses program, and supports Policy Research and Community Building projects.
Madhuri Kibria is a Program Manager at BacharLorai, she leads all work focused on SDG 5 and manages the Global Impact Fellowship program.